Authors
Paul Ong, Chhandara Pech, Lorrie Frasure, Samyu Comandur, Eric Lee, and Silvia R. González
Introduction
Altadena, a historically Black, middle-class and culturally vibrant community, has been devastated by the January 2025 Eaton fire. This Data Brief provides new information on the historical trajectory of Altadena’s Black community and the impacts from the wildfires, using multiple data sources. Existing trends in the Altadena housing market and Black settlement patterns, combined with damage and destruction created by the Eaton fire, demonstrate the disproportionate impact of the fires on Black households in Altadena. Data in this report underscores the urgent need for disaster response and long-term recovery efforts tailored to the unique needs of Altadena’s Black community.
Findings
Finding 1: At Least 2,800 Black Households Were Forced to Evacuate Within a Day of the Eaton Fire’s Outbreak
On January 8th, 2025, all of Altadena was subject to a mandatory evacuation order due to the rapidly growing Eaton Fire, as shown in Figure 1.
Figure 1: Eaton Evacuation Order & Warning Zones in Altadena
Source: Map created by authors using GIS shapefiles from Cal Fire representing evacuation zones as of January 8, 2025, and Census TIGER/Line shapefiles.
Table 1 provides a breakdown of households in Altadena impacted by the fire, categorized by race and ethnicity. Black households account for nearly one-fifth of the total households in Altadena. Within the first day of the Eaton Fire’s outbreak, at least 2,800 Black households were forced to evacuate. According to the 2020 Decennial Census, nearly 75% of Black Altadena residents owned their homes. Table 2 shows that of those Black homeowners, 81% held a mortgage or home loan, while only 19% were ‘free and clear.’
Table 1: Altadena’s Households by Race/Ethnicity and Housing Tenure
Table 2: Mortgage Status Among Homeowners by Race of Householder in Altadena
Finding 2: Black Altadena Households Disproportionately More Likely to be Victims of Eaton Fire Damage or Destruction
Black households in Altadena were disproportionately more likely to experience damage or destruction due to the Eaton Fire. As shown in Figure 2, 61% of Black households in Altadena are located within the Eaton Fire perimeter, compared to 50% of non-Black households. Additionally, nearly half (48%) of Black households/units were destroyed or majorly damaged, compared to 37% for non-Black households (see Figure 3). Black households are 1.30 times more likely to experience destruction or major damage than non-Black households.
Figure 2: Household Share by Race in Altadena’s Eaton Fire Perimeter
Figure 3: Estimated Share of Housing Damage by Race from the Eaton Fire in Altadena
Finding 3: Legacies of Segregation and Redlining Practices Contributed to the Black Community’s Vulnerability to the Eaton Fire
The wildfire’s differential impacts can be at least partially attributed to the legacies of historical segregation and redlining in Altadena. Figure 4 maps the historical redlining designations in Altadena, based on HOLC’s 1939 Residential Security Maps, which ranked neighborhoods by the relative risk to lenders. Areas west of Lake Avenue were predominantly zoned as “Definitely Declining” (yellow), the second lowest ranking. The area east of Lake Ave. were ranked either as “best” (green) or “still desirable” (blue).
Figure 4: HOLC 1939 Residential Security Maps of Altadena
Source: Map created by authors using GIS shapefiles derived from Mapping Inequality, and Census TIGER/Line shapefiles.
The HOLC rankings significantly influenced Altadena’s home prices, and these effects persisted into the post-WWII period. The availability of homes considered less desirable in the western section, partly due to its low HOLC designation, created opportunities for Black families to purchase homes despite the systemic barriers of the time. These purchases enabled the possibility of a generational transfer of homeownership, rare for both the time and the place. In 1970, 70% of Black households in Altadena were homeowners, nearly double the 38% rate for Black households in Los Angeles County. However, the legacy of redlining also resulted in the long term concentration of Black residents to those parts of Altadena that were closest to Eaton fire zone areas and therefore contributed to the vulnerability of a larger number of Black households impacted by the fires.
Figure 5 highlights the Black population distribution in Altadena by census blocks, using data from 2020. The blocks are categorized into ranges based on the percentage of Black residents, with darker blue shades representing higher concentrations. The Black population in Altadena is predominantly concentrated in West Altadena, particularly in census blocks near the southwestern and western portions of the community, which show the highest percentages of Black residents.
Figure 6 overlays the Eaton fire perimeter, outlined in red. While much of the fire perimeter overlaps with less densely populated or unpopulated areas, such as the northern mountainous region, it also intersects blocks in West Altadena, which include significant concentrations of Black residents.
Figure 5: Black Population Distribution in Altadena by Census Blocks, 2020
Source: Map created by authors using 2020 Decennial Census data and GIS shapefiles derived from Census TIGER/Line.
Figure 6: 2020 Black Population Distribution by Census Blocks with Fire Perimeter
Source: Map created by authors using 2020 Decennial Census data and GIS shapefiles derived from Cal Fire (as of January 11, 2025) and Census TIGER/Line shapefiles.
Finding 4: Black Homeowners are Overburdened Financially, Putting Them at Higher Risk of Losing their Home Due to Unexpected Shocks
Figure 7 reports the financial burden on Black homeowners in Altadena compared to their non-Black counterparts. Among Black homeowners, 45% are cost-burdened (spending over 30% of their household income on housing costs), and 28% are severely cost-burdened (spending more than 50% of their household income on housing). In comparison, only 32% of non-Black homeowners are cost-burdened, and 13% are severely cost-burdened. These disparities highlight the disproportionate financial challenges faced by Black homeowners in the area.
Figure 7: Housing Costs as a Percentage of Household Income for Homeowners by Race in Altadena
Finding 5: Black Homeowners in Altadena are an Aging and Highly Vulnerable Subgroup
Figure 8 demonstrates that a majority of Black homeowners (57%) in Altadena are aged 65 and over, compared to the overall population, where 38% of homeowners are aged 65 and over. Moreover, there are also relatively fewer younger Black homeowners (under age 45). As fire recovery efforts begin, the existing aging population may be especially vulnerable to incomplete or insufficient insurance coverage or predatory financial scams as they navigate the process of rebuilding or restoring their homes.
Figure 8: Distribution of Homeowners by Age and Race in Altadena
Finding 6: The Eaton Fire, Combined with Pre-Existing Barriers to Black Homeownership, Threatens to Accelerate the Decline of Altadena’s Black Community
Rising home prices in Altadena serve as a barrier to home ownership. The median home value in Altadena from 2019 to 2023 was over $1,000,000, over a third higher than that of the county. The relative values are even higher in the bottom half of the housing market, averaging $837,500 in Altadena, which is 48% higher than of the rest of the county (see Figure 9). The prices of the single-family homes purchased in 2023 is even higher: a median of $1.2 million, and an average of $972k for the bottom half.
Figure 9: Home Values in Altadena and Los Angeles County, 2019-2023
Because of the high home prices, there was a decline in new Black homeownership prior to the Eaton fire. In 2023, Blacks made up only 4% of all applicants to purchase a home in Altadena (9 out of 219, HMDA). Two-thirds of African American applicants had their application approved, lower than for non-Black applicants (three-quarters).
Moreover, the younger Black community, already struggling to purchase homes in Altadena prior to the fires, will likely face additional barriers to homeownership as rebuilding efforts continue. Any intergenerational transfer of wealth (via home assets) that younger community members may have received otherwise has been disrupted by the fire. Both of these factors together indicate challenges ahead as the Black community in Altadena attempts to rebuild, and these factors will likely contribute to a further decline in the Black community in Altadena.
Figure 10 displays the total Black population in Altadena from 1960 – 2020. Even without taking any additional shocks created by the Eaton fire into account, if the rate of decline over the previous decades continues, by 2040, the size of the Black population will drop to its 1960 level, erasing Altadena’s Black community.
Figure 10: Percent Black Population in Altadena, 1960 to 2020
Conclusion
The 2025 Eaton Fire has damaged hundreds of homes and displaced thousands of people. Since the 1960s, Altadena provided a historic opportunity for Black people to become homeowners. Due to increasing home prices and disproportionate financial burdens after the 1990s, Black people faced barriers to entry into the area, and existing Black homeowners faced challenges in maintaining home ownership. Moreover, an aging Black population found it difficult to transfer their wealth to the next generation. Future recovery efforts must take into account the unique challenges that Altadena’s Black community will face while allocating emergency resources and relief to wildfire-affected areas.
Acknowledgments
This data brief was made possible through the generous support of the California State Legislature, and the California Black Legislative Caucus to develop timely research that informs domestic policy challenges impacting Black and other communities of color. The authors are grateful for the editorial support from Jonathan Ong and Dr. Michael Stoll, Jennifer Thomas and Jacqueline Aguirre for Bunche Center staff support, and Kacey Bonner for design support. The authors also acknowledge the support of the California Department of Real Estate, UCLA Ziman Center Endowment Fund.
The UCLA Ralph J. Bunche Center for African American Studies, the UCLA Center for Neighborhood Knowledge, and the UCLA Latino Policy and Politics Institute acknowledge the Gabrielino Tongva peoples as the traditional land caretakers of Tovaangar (the Los Angeles basin and So. Channel Islands). As a land grant institution, we pay our respects to the Honuukvetam (Ancestors), ‘Ahiihirom (Elders), and ‘Eyoohiinkem (our relatives nations) past, present, and emerging.
Disclaimer
The views expressed herein are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the University of California, Los Angeles, as a whole. The authors alone are responsible for the content of this report.
For More Information
Contact: Barbra Ramos, bramos@stratcomm.ucla.edu
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UCLA Ralph J. Bunche Center for African American Studies supports multidisciplinary academic research and community-centered programs that have broad impact for Black communities across California, the United States, and internationally.
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